In a continent where prisons are often synonymous with oblivion and hotbed of more violence, Colombia and El Salvador’s experiences offer a contrast. These are the lights and shadows of these models with two voices: Johana Bahamón, the Colombian activist who leads the Internal Action Foundation, and Andrés Guzmán Caballero, the presidential commissioner for human rights and freedom of expression, the only Colombian Colombian who works with the president of El Salvador, Nayib Bukele.
Johana Bahamón: While I do not believe that there is a total institutional impotence, it is undeniable that the power of some bands in Colombian prisons is a reality, although not a generality. During my visit to El Salvador I could see a marked contrast in terms of order and discipline. However, we must be cautious when idealizing one model on another without considering specific contexts. In Colombia, we have documented humanitarian emergencies in prisons, which underlines the urgency of recovering control, but not at the expense of fundamental rights.
Andrés Guzmán Caballero: The CECOT applies extreme measures because it houses people deprived of extreme liberty, as Johana explained. Not all prisons in El Salvador are like CECOT. Even there are conditions of dignified treatment, food and a dignified detention process. The political will of President Bukele was essential to return to prisons his character of safe and productive sites. Communications were blocked, a simple but effective method against extortion. The key was that the prison guards themselves became aware of the need to change.
JB: Three fundamental things are needed: opportunity, trust and support. Without job opportunities, the system condemns them to recidivism. Without the confidence of society, they are still seen only as criminals. And without support, they lack a network when leaving. In Colombia, we have shown that with work, education and a change of mentality, reintegration is possible. I celebrate the productivity that I saw in El Salvador, where inmates manufacture from school uniforms to desks to deliver to public schools or build roads and hospitals, all under the modality of generating a benefit to society. This is something we also drive in Colombia. It is a great added value if productivity also manages to be restorative.
AG: Here we do not absolutely convince anyone to work. The deprived of liberty come to ask to enter the productive processes because before they did absolutely nothing. They feel useful when making uniforms for children or fixing houses that gangs had taken away. No one is obliged to work, people with more than half of the penalty fulfilled, which accelerates their resocialization. This is not only a issue of productivity, but of social reconstruction. In addition, for each work day, they are discounted two or up to three days of their conviction, a significant incentive.
JB: It is a reality that the penitentiary system has been historically designed for men. Women deprived of liberty are a minority globally, around 8.5% in Colombia, and that is why their needs are sometimes ignored. Many are mothers, caregivers or victims of violence, and the impact of their imprisonment deeply affects their children and families. Women’s resocialization requires a special approach that respects their realities.
AG: We had the opportunity to visit women’s prisons, where they are also involved in the Zero Leisure Plan. They are given comprehensive care, including medical and psychological evaluations. Pregnant women receive motivational talks and breastfeeding support. Although the prison system historically was designed for men, in El Salvador specific programs are being implemented to meet the needs of women deprived of liberty.
JB: Rights should never be sacrificed under any circumstance. Respect for human dignity is unnegotiable. There are lines that should not be crossed, such as torture, extreme isolation or lack of access to health and education. Justice cannot only be punishment, it must also be reintegration. If we forget that, we end up creating more problems than solutions.
The Cecot is shocking and painful, its approach is absolutely “imprisonment” versus “rehabilitation.” It is opposite to the rest of the prisons that I met in El Salvador, of which I highlight its “Zero leisure” plan, its restorative approach and the proportion of redemption of work days with the days of condemnation, in Colombia for every two days of work one of the conviction is discounted, in El Salvador for a work day, two sentence are discounted.
AG: The balance is totally founded that the human rights that must prevail are those of society, of honest and workers. This does not mean that people deprived of liberty have no rights. My office is responsible for ensuring compliance with human rights, attending complaints and collaborating with the competent authorities. The exception regime has a temporary validity and extends according to the need. Even international organizations such as the United Nations High High Commissioner Office, the International Red Cross document that there are no human rights violations in the prisons of El Salvador.
JB: Both things must change simultaneously. It is essential to transform prisons into spaces for transformation, repair, education and work, not only in people deposits. But this change will not be enough if society continues to see people deprived of liberty as unrecoverable. We must change the discourse of exclusion for inclusion. The reintegration not only benefits who was imprisoned, but to the whole society by reducing recidivism and crime.
AG: The contexts of El Salvador and Colombia are totally different. However, the rescuable is the political will and prioritization of the safety of honest citizens. The zero leisure plan and the approach to productivity and resocialization are important elements. In Colombia, it could begin by enforcing existing laws, such as the prohibition of cell phones in prisons. Attack corruption in the Penitentiary Guard and exploit the powers of those deprived of liberty in an industrial way. The ultimate goal must be that people who regain their freedom have powers to compete against crime.
This Franco dialogue reveals the complexities inherent to the management of prison systems. While El Salvador is committed to iron control and productivity forced by necessity, Colombia struggles to recover authority in its prisons and to offer true reintegration opportunities in the middle of a society that often prefers punishment for forgiveness. The question that remains in the air is whether Latin America can find an intermediate path that guarantees security without sacrificing human dignity, transforming prisons of mere human flesh deposits in true centers of rehabilitation and hope. The task is not easy, but it is imperative if we aspire to more just and safe societies for all.
